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ICE plays a vital role in enforcing U.S. immigration law and protecting broader public safety by targeting individuals who threaten national security or violate legal orders. Its operations focus on arresting and removing criminal non-citizens, dismantling transnational crime and upholding the integrity of the immigration system — fundamental practices to ensure laws are applied consistently and communities remain secure.
ICE may have once been an efficient, rule-following agency, but the recent trend of aggressive immigration enforcement has led to sweeping up people who pose little public safety risk while straining civil liberties and due process. When enforcement is driven by volume rather than clear threats, it can divert resources from more serious crimes, separate families and erode trust between immigrant communities and law enforcement without clearly improving public safety.
ICE was created within the post-9/11 anti-constitutional framework as part of the Bush administration's War on Terror agenda, and while it's become more illegal immigrant-focused in recent years, it was always about domestic control and surveillance. From Muslims and anti-war Americans in the early 2000s to alleged gang members today, the government continues to invent new threats to keep growing its security state. If it was about protecting Americans, it wouldn't be acting like a secret police targeting citizens.
This was codified in the Homeland Security Act and executed through DHS's early structure and subsequent regrouping of missions across Customs and Border Protection (CBP), ICE and U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS). ICE's interior mandate absorbed legacy Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) objectives and aligned them to homeland security priorities, with the Government Accountability Office (GAO) noting the new bureau's emphasis on joint customs-immigration investigations and detention-and-removal operations.
Bush-era ICE moved INS interior objectives into two pillars: investigations and detention/removal, including fugitive operations, employer compliance, smuggling and benefit-fraud units. GAO reported formalization of these activities and oversight needs for data, performance and 287(g) state-local cooperation agreements launched under DHS in 2006–2009. The administration also pursued border infrastructure via the Secure Fence Act (2006), authorizing significant fencing and surveillance along high-traffic corridors.
Interior enforcement after 9/11 was framed through counterterrorism. DOJ's Inspector General documented the roundup and restrictive confinement of hundreds of noncitizens in terrorism sweeps in 2001–2002, highlighting due-process and conditions issues during the initial War on Terror response. Subsequent reporting by civil-liberties groups criticized later initiatives, such as "Operation Front Line" (2004), for relying on national-security exemptions to racial-profiling bans and yielding few terrorism cases while targeting Muslim immigrants for scrutiny.
Even as enforcement intensified, Bush advocated a comprehensive approach, pairing workplace verification and border control with a temporary worker program and an earned path to legal status for long-settled unauthorized immigrants. In a 2006 Oval Office address, he described a "rational middle ground" between mass deportation and blanket amnesty, stressing employer sanctions, technology and personnel at the border alongside a guest-worker system and eventual citizenship through penalties and English acquisition.
Early ICE planning documents envisioned expanding detention bed space and clearing removal backlogs, with GAO urging clearer performance measures, better threat-based workforce planning and stronger supervisory controls for programs like 287(g) to prevent inconsistent local implementation. Those recommendations foreshadowed later debates over metrics, civil-rights safeguards and coordination across ICE's investigative and removal components.
After 9/11, weak coordination across immigration, customs and border systems left the country vulnerable to terrorism, trafficking and transnational crime. In response, ICE has taken down cartels, human traffickers, child exploitation networks, gang violence and high profile fugitives. Its mission has at times gone too far, leading to legitimate rights concerns, but those failures call for reform, not eliminating an agency that still plays a major role in public safety.
Post-9/11 immigration enforcement built a vast security apparatus that often treated migration as a national security threat rather than a human reality. That expansion fueled mass detention, deportation and aggressive policing while weakening due process and exposing people to abuse. Instead of solving terrorism, it often criminalized entire communities and normalized fear, surveillance and family separation.
Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) estimates more than 3.1 million ICE deportations during Obama's tenure, with a peak exceeding 400,000 removals in FY2012. DHS reported record criminal removals in FY2010 and rapid Secure Communities expansion, a program that matched arrestees' fingerprints against immigration databases.
After criticism of Secure Communities' impact on victims and minor offenders, DHS replaced it with the Priority Enforcement Program (PEP) in 2014–2015, narrowing detainers to higher-priority cases, and issued guidance focusing on national security, border security and public safety threats. Simultaneously, the administration proposed deferred action initiatives (DACA, DAPA), prompting congressional hearings over executive authority and the scope of prosecutorial discretion.
Visa overstay enforcement declined even as overstays made up a significant share of unauthorized immigration. Estimates suggested roughly 40% of unauthorized immigrants — about 4 to 5 million people — were visa overstays, yet removals fell from around 12,500 in 2009 to about 2,500 in later years. Instead, enforcement focused more narrowly on individuals considered security or public safety risks.
At the same time, officials acknowledged limited capacity to track and address overstays compared to other forms of illegal immigration. DHS lacked a comprehensive exit monitoring system and devoted relatively small resources to overstay investigations, making large-scale enforcement difficult. Data gaps also meant authorities could not precisely measure the total number of overstays or fully assess enforcement outcomes.
Investigations and advocacy groups highlighted detention conditions and high removal volumes as the administration sought to demonstrate enforcement credibility. A 2011 Frontline report detailed large-scale removals and raised abuse allegations within detention centers. Critics on the left labeled Obama "deporter in chief." On the right, analyses from the Center for Immigration Studies argued interior enforcement eroded in later years, pointing to declines in arrests, detainers and removals of criminals relative to early peaks.
Policy analyses note the administration reduced voluntary returns and shifted toward formal removals, affecting comparisons with prior eras. MPI's review underscored that overall removals and returns declined from earlier administrations but the share of formal removals increased, and that by FY2016 over 85% of removals/returns were recent border crossers while over 90% of interior removals involved people with criminal convictions.
While anti-terror efforts remained a through line in DHS operations and immigration vetting, the White House also pressed for comprehensive reform with legalization components, which stalled in Congress. Enforcement reprioritization and deferred action sought to align constrained resources with higher-threat categories while mitigating family impacts, yet drew opposing critiques for either over-enforcement or unlawful leniency.
It also sought to broaden interior enforcement priorities, including authorizing more state–local cooperation under immigration law. Family-separation occurred under the 2018 "zero tolerance" prosecution policy, later halted by executive order and court rulings amid significant public scrutiny.
Border apprehensions fluctuated, spiking in FY2019 to the highest level since 2007 due to family arrivals and regional conditions, then falling into 2020, while interior removals lagged earlier Obama peaks. Pew notes 851,508 southwest border apprehensions in FY2019, driven by families from Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador (the Northern Triangle). TRAC and Cato reports show Trump's average annual interior removals were below Obama's, reaching lows in FY2020 as Title 42 expulsions rose and local non-cooperation limited transfers.
Removals reached roughly 1-1.1 million over four years. Annual totals started at about 226,000 in 2017 and rose to a peak near 282,000, reflecting gradual increases rather than a sharp surge. Even at their highest, yearly figures remained below earlier benchmarks set in the prior decade.
Throughout the term, deportation levels often lagged behind expectations despite broader enforcement policies. Monthly removal rates early in his presidency were lower than those seen in previous years, and overall totals never approached earlier peak levels. While arrests increased significantly and more individuals were made eligible for removal, this expansion did not translate into a comparable rise in completed deportations.
Several factors limited total removals, including declining border apprehensions that reduced the number of people available for rapid deportation, and a growing immigration court backlog slowed the process for interior cases. Policy changes during the pandemic further reduced removals in 2020, contributing to the overall total remaining well below the higher deportation levels recorded under Obama.
DHS ended PEP and re-instated Secure Communities, increasing arrests of noncitizens with and without convictions, though several jurisdictions and courts limited courthouse arrests; in Massachusetts, a federal judge issued a preliminary injunction against civil courthouse arrests in 2019, one early example of legal friction over venue-based enforcement.
Trump's first term emphasized aggressive posture — attempts to end DACA, tighten asylum and expand expedited removal — while deportations remained constrained by capacity, litigation and sanctuary policies. Analysts pointed to a mismatch between rhetoric and interior outcomes. The American Immigration Council and Cato documented that Title 42 expulsions and CBP transfers masked declines in ICE-counted removals as the pandemic unfolded.
The administration later implemented a transit-rule and a late 2024 order restricting asylum processing when daily encounters exceed a threshold. Several actions drew court challenges, leading to periodic reinstatements and adjustments.
Analyses show encounters surged with hemispheric displacement and high U.S. labor demand, then moderated in 2024–2025. Cato's review contends removals and expulsions reached roughly 3.3 million over 2021–2024 (including Title 42 actions) and that detention and removal capacity limits, plus expulsion policy incentives, shaped outcomes. The Migration Policy Institute found Biden carried out around 1.5 million deportations and returns (FY2021–2024), plus over 2.5 million Title 42 expulsions, for a combined roughly 4.4 million repatriations through early 2024.
ICE's Enforcement and Removal Operations (ERO) dashboard indicates that from February 2021 through December 2024, ICE conducted approximately 500,842 interior arrests. Of those, about 181,000 (36.2%) involved individuals with criminal convictions and roughly 64,000 (12.8%) involved individuals with pending criminal charges, while approximately 255,585 (about 51%) were categorized as other immigration violators, including individuals with final removal orders or pending immigration charges.
During that same period, ICE reported approximately 1.107 million total detentions. However, only about 283,472 of those detentions stemmed from ICE interior arrests; the remainder involved individuals first encountered by CBP at the border or ports of entry and then transferred to ICE custody. Among those detained following interior arrests, about 62.6% had criminal convictions and 20.5% had pending criminal charges.
ICE reported around 588,500 removals between February 2021 and December 2024. Of those, roughly 147,533 were interior removals, while approximately 441,000 involved individuals initially encountered by CBP and later processed for removal by ICE. Among interior removals, about 78.4% involved individuals with criminal convictions and roughly 15.7% involved pending criminal charges.
Congressional Research Service data shows immigration judges ordered nearly 310,000 removals in FY2024 and more than 231,000 in FY2023. At the same time, ICE's non-detained docket exceeded 1.4 million individuals with final removal orders as of late 2024.
Documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request and reported by the ACLU indicate that beginning in September 2024, ICE sought proposals to expand detention capacity in at least eight states: Michigan, California, Kansas, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, Texas and Washington. Private contractors including GEO Group, CoreCivic, Management and Training Corporation and Target Hospitality submitted proposals for expanded or temporary facilities.
Facilities referenced in proposals included the North Lake Correctional Facility in Michigan, the Rio Grande Processing Center in Texas and a tent-based facility in Carrizo Springs, Texas. Average detention capacity was reported at roughly 38,000 individuals during the period, with prioritization focused on those encountered at the Southwest border and with criminal histories.
Biden initially restored structured prosecutorial discretion, focusing on national security, border security and public safety and requiring approvals for certain actions, before tightening asylum access in 2024 amid sustained pressure at the border. Commentators contrasted these shifts with Trump's approach while noting persistent operational strain on adjudication, detention and local services.
In September 2021, DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas issued enforcement guidelines directing ICE officers to prioritize national security threats, recent border crossers and individuals posing public safety risks, and to consider aggravating and mitigating factors before initiating enforcement actions. Several states challenged the guidance in court; lower courts initially issued injunctions, and the Supreme Court later ruled that the plaintiff states lacked standing to compel broader enforcement.
This included $50,000 hiring bonuses, ICE staffing rising toward 22,000 officers and a surge in arrests under a large federal funding bill. Furthermore, DHS statements credit enhanced capacity for interior operations.
In July 2025, Congress passed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA), allocating around $170 billion for immigration enforcement and border security over four years, including $45 billion to expand ICE detention capacity and roughly $30 billion to hire up to 10,000 additional ICE officers. The law also provided more than $46 billion for border wall construction.
By early 2026, ICE had signed more than 1,300 active 287(g) agreements across forty states, up from 135 agreements in December 2024. FBI personnel data cited in congressional correspondence indicated that roughly 23% of FBI agents nationwide were assigned to immigration enforcement functions, rising to nearly 50% in the agency's twenty-five largest field offices.
CFR reported that nearly 69,000 individuals were in ICE detention as of early January 2026, exceeding prior average capacity levels of roughly 38,000.
The Deportation Data Project found street arrests increased eleven-fold by late 2025, overall arrests quadrupled and a growing share of arrestees lacked criminal convictions. Detention capacity and lower release rates also increased removals, including voluntary departures. Cato and TRAC Reports found that by late 2025, 73% of deportees had no convictions, with roughly 5% having violent convictions.
DHS repatriation tables show that in FY2025, 61,630 removals and 35,070 enforcement returns had already been recorded, alongside 14,310 administrative returns, reflecting elevated enforcement activity early in the fiscal year. In FY2024, DHS reported 329,990 removals and 355,290 enforcement returns, with total repatriations of 777,580.
CFR reporting noted that the administration set internal arrest targets of up to 3,000 daily arrests, though DHS later stated that no formal quota existed. Media accounts documented workplace raids, including a September 2025 operation in Savannah, Georgia, where nearly 500 workers were detained.
The Migration Policy Institute reported expanded interior enforcement activity and increased cooperation between ICE and CBP in domestic operations, marking a shift away from a border-centric posture.
Federal and state officials expanded detention infrastructure through new contracts, warehouse conversions and temporary facilities. The Department of Defense (War) announced plans in 2025 to construct a migrant detention center at Fort Bliss, Texas, with capacity projected to reach 5,000 beds, while states including Florida and Indiana pursued additional large-scale facilities tied to deportation operations and federal reimbursement programs. DHS also stated that OBBBA funding supported about 80,000 ICE detention beds nationwide.
Critics raised concerns about detention conditions, medical care, use-of-force incidents and the closure or reduction of certain monitoring offices. Reports documented lawsuits, local opposition campaigns and disputes over proposed warehouse conversions, while DHS and contractors maintained the facilities were part of broader efforts to expand detention and removal capacity under existing immigration enforcement authorities.
2026 reports described rapid expansion through the Navy-linked WEXMAC TITUS contracting vehicle, reportedly expanded from $10 billion to $55 billion to accelerate detention construction and logistics. They identified warehouse purchases, mega-facilities and military-base detention projects, while independent journalists highlighted contract references to "medical waste management" and biohazard incinerators, raising questions about how DHS planned to manage deaths and medical waste amid rising custody deaths and reduced oversight, though no evidence emerged of unlawful cremation programs.
Operations prompted protests and litigation in multiple cities, with press accounts and videos reporting fatal shootings and allegations of excessive force. Broadcast discussions and local coverage tallied increased deaths in custody and surging detention counts, while civil-liberties groups and immigration experts questioned legal authorities underpinning warrantless entries and prolonged detention, noting appellate rulings affecting bond eligibility.
CFR detailed fatal shootings of two U.S. citizens in Minneapolis in January 2026, which triggered bipartisan calls for investigations and negotiations in Congress over DHS funding conditions. Reports also noted reassignment of senior Border Patrol leadership, including commander at large Greg Bovino, who later retired, following scrutiny of enforcement tactics.
Monitoring groups and press mapped a sharp increase in deportation flights in 2025, including to third countries, under ICE contracts and, for a period, military aircraft, before shifts in logistics. Reports identified expanded country coverage, growing volumes and concerns about due process and removal destinations.
The administration conducted hundreds of deportation flights, including transfers to third countries. However, a federal judge in February 2026 ruled certain third-country deportations unlawful, citing due process concerns. Senate Democratic reporting estimated approximately $40 million was spent in one year on third-country removals.
Policy announcements signaled heightened scrutiny of student visas from specific countries and revocations for alleged criminal or security concerns. Media reported thousands of visa cancellations under national-security reviews and a focus on links to foreign governments and protests. Officials stated revocations included those with arrests, charges or purported support for terrorism.
CFR reported that USCIS paused certain asylum processing after a high-profile criminal case involving an asylum recipient and announced reviews of green cards issued to nationals of nineteen countries designated as "of concern," citing security vetting considerations. USCIS was also authorized to hire special agents with enhanced law enforcement authority to investigate and arrest individuals for immigration violations.
Participation in pro-Palestine protests or criticism of Israel on social media and campus was cited as a factor in many student cases. A federal judge found authorities targeted certain noncitizen students involved in Gaza-related campus activism and concluded the actions were intended to deter similar expression. Officials claimed these revocations were based on public safety, foreign policy considerations and alleged support for prohibited groups.
Amid a partial government shutdown beginning in February 2026, leaving a lapse in DHS funding and many TSA workers unpaid and understaffed, Trump deployed ICE agents to airports nationwide on March 23 to assist with security operations and reduce travel disruptions.
ICE officers, including Enforcement and Removal Operations personnel, were sent to at least a dozen major airports to manage security lines, monitor exit lanes, direct passengers and make routine announcements, while TSA agents continued primary screening functions.
Officials said the deployment was intended as temporary support and that agents were generally not expected to conduct immigration arrests, though the move drew mixed reactions from travelers and local officials, with some expressing concern about ICE's presence in civilian travel settings and others supporting the added staffing during long delays.
State court filings described the deployment as involving several thousand federal personnel at its peak and challenged DHS's authority to conduct large-scale interior operations without coordination with local officials.
They alleged unconstitutional stops, excessive force and violations of state sovereignty and the APA. The complaint cites school lockdowns, business closures and strained police resources. Meanwhile, plaintiffs sought to halt door-to-door operations absent judicial warrants at sensitive locations. Federal officials stated the operation targeted individuals with outstanding removal orders or alleged criminal histories and characterized it as a lawful interior enforcement surge.
On Jan. 7, 2026, an ICE agent fatally shot Renée Good. DHS stated that agents were conducting targeted immigration operations when Good, inside her SUV, drove forward toward ICE agent Jonathan Ross. Federal officials said Ross fired in self-defense after perceiving an imminent threat and described her actions as an attempt to run him over.
Vice President J.D. Vance and former DHS Secretary Kristi Noem said Ross' life was endangered and that Good had "weaponized" her vehicle. Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey disputed that characterization, with DHS later confirming Ross sustained internal bleeding to his torso and was treated and released the same day.
As video shows Ross firing into the vehicle as it moved forward, the Supreme Court's Graham v. Connor standard will be at play, which states that any review hinges on whether a reasonable officer would have believed deadly force was necessary to prevent imminent serious harm.
Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty said her office and the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension (BCA) were investigating the shooting. BCA Superintendent Drew Evans said full federal cooperation was necessary to meet Minnesota’s investigative standards.
In the days after the shooting, federal prosecutors initially prepared for a potential civil rights investigation into the use of force, but senior DOJ officials shifted focus toward whether Ross had been assaulted. Several prosecutors later resigned.
Good’s family stated she was unarmed and commissioned a private autopsy that found she was shot three times — in the forearm, breast and head. Family members said no administration officials contacted them after her death.
Later that month, on Jan. 24, protester Alex Pretti was shot and killed in Minneapolis during an encounter with federal agents. Federal personnel records identified the involved officers as assigned to Operation Metro Surge. DHS stated that Pretti interfered with federal officers during an enforcement action and that force was used after agents perceived a threat.
DHS initially stated that Pretti approached U.S. Border Patrol officers with a 9mm handgun, but later accounts noted the weapon was holstered during the initial contact and that video showed him holding a cellphone as officers moved toward him.
A preliminary internal review by CBP's Office of Professional Responsibility, based on body-worn camera footage and CBP documentation and shared with lawmakers, stated that a CBP customs officer attempted to move Pretti and another person out of the street and then deployed pepper spray when they did not move.
The review said personnel attempted to take Pretti into custody and "a struggle ensued," during which a Border Patrol agent repeatedly shouted "He's got a gun!" The review stated that a Border Patrol agent and a CBP customs officer fired at Pretti shortly afterward, and that video showed an agent removing Pretti's gun from his waist before the shooting.
ICE announced arrests including of non-Somali nationals, with AP reporting 12 early arrests (six Mexican, five Somali, one Salvadoran) and DHS statements emphasizing criminal targets. In parallel, federal courts in Minnesota saw a dramatic wave of habeas petitions challenging detention and transfers tied to surging arrests and a no-bond policy, with judges and prosecutors strained by volume. Reporting described overwhelmed dockets and contested compliance with court orders. Federal court dockets reflect a marked increase in habeas filings challenging prolonged detention and transfer practices during the surge.
In a declaration filed in late January 2026, U.S. Attorney Daniel Rosen stated that detained immigrants had filed more than 420 lawsuits in January alone, describing the office as operating in a "reactive mode," with attorneys and staff working continuous overtime due to immigration-related cases.
DOJ filings also referenced prosecutions for alleged assaults on federal officers and interference with enforcement actions, while maintaining that detentions and transfers complied with federal immigration statutes.
ICE detained 5-year-old Liam Conejo Ramos and his father, Adrian Conejo Arias, in Minnesota during a Jan. 20, 2026, operation targeting the father. Photos of Liam wearing a Spider-Man backpack spread online as advocates disputed DHS accounts of the arrest.
After a federal judge temporarily blocked deportation, Liam and his father were released from a Texas detention center following a national campaign. In March, an immigration judge denied the family’s asylum claim, though attorneys plan to appeal.
On Jan. 18, 2026, a protest at Cities Church in St. Paul led to federal charges and arrests. Protesters entered the church and disrupted a service because its pastor was also an ICE official. The DOJ unsealed an indictment charging dozens of individuals with conspiracy to interfere with religious worship under the FACE Act and related statutes.
Attorney General Pam Bondi stated that federal agents arrested additional defendants following the indictment and that prosecutions would continue. FBI Director Kash Patel said the arrests reflected enforcement of federal protections for religious institutions.
Local organizers and national networks staged large demonstrations, while officials debated operational changes. Coverage noted leadership changes within CBP’s local command and public disputes over warrant practices; advocacy groups challenged reports of warrantless entries and courthouse detentions during the surge.
The House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform sent a letter to the DOJ requesting a briefing on potential foreign or nonprofit funding connections to anti-ICE protest activity and seeking information on DOJ assessments of links between financial crimes and organized unrest. DOJ did not publicly announce findings at the time of the request.
During this period, DHS reiterated that immigration officers may conduct warrantless civil immigration arrests in public spaces under federal law, while state officials and civil litigants challenged aspects of those practices in federal court.
On Feb. 4, border czar Tom Homan announced plans to withdraw 700 of roughly 3,000 agents. Later in the month, he announced the operation would conclude, with a small remaining personnel presence as command transitioned back to the field office. President Trump directed Homan to oversee operations directly and DHS reported more than 4,000 arrests during the operation, stating that enforcement would continue primarily through jail transfers rather than large-scale street actions.
Minnesota's large Somali community reported fear and economic disruption following raids at businesses and neighborhoods, with local reporting documenting reduced mosque attendance, missed appointments and targeted arrests at Somali hubs.
In the weeks following the shooting, federal officials referenced prior Minnesota social-services fraud prosecutions — many involving defendants of Somali descent — when explaining the December 2025 deployment of thousands of federal agents to the state.
Amid backlash over the deportation agenda, particularly in Minnesota, as well as allegations of personal corruption, Trump in early March fired Kristi Noem, replacing her with U.S. Senator Markwayne Mullin from Oklahoma. While no specific policy changes have been laid out, Mullin told Senators during his confirmation hearings that he wanted to keep his agency out of the headlines. The White House later encouraged Republicans not to campaign on "mass deportations" during the 2026 midterm election season.
City officials said they lacked advance notice and linked that gap to delayed public-safety response as protests escalated; DHS disputed the claim and said LAPD had notice, reflecting ongoing tensions between federal and local authorities in sanctuary jurisdictions.
A prior 2024 ruling against ICE's Los Angeles field office limited home "knock and talk" arrests without judicial warrants in curtilage, reflecting long-running litigation over venue tactics. LA Times coverage outlined injunctions mandating compliance with Fourth Amendment standards in residential arrests.
In the San Diego/Imperial region, CalMatters reported a sharp rise in administrative immigration arrests in 2025, including arrests at immigration check-ins and courthouses and reported sweeps near Home Depot lots and public schools. CalMatters' analysis reported that about 25% of people arrested between May and mid-October 2025 had criminal convictions, down from over 60% in the same months the prior year.
Tom Homan said in December 2025 that sanctuary-city limits on cooperation would drive more arrests in the community rather than jail handoffs.
As demonstrations intensified, the White House ordered 2,000 National Guard troops to Los Angeles, a move Governor Gavin Newsom and local leaders criticized as inflammatory and unnecessary.
During the June 2025 Los Angeles operations, video showed confrontations outside enforcement sites, including crowds surrounding vans and objects thrown at vehicles. Mayor Karen Bass and Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez publicly condemned the raids, while LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell said LAPD was not involved in civil immigration enforcement.
Later that day, the LAPD reported it moved in riot gear and issued dispersal orders as federal agents were trapped inside a federal parking structure. Federal authorities separately described riots and assaults on officers that they said included rocks and Molotov cocktails.
Trump also sent 700 Marines to the city in June 2025 to "protect federal law enforcement," though they were withdrawn by the Pentagon less than two months later. During their deployment, which was aimed at protecting an ICE office and a detention facility downtown, Marines detained one man for entering a restricted area.
In July 2025, federal authorities executed raids tied to Glass House Farms cannabis facilities in Camarillo and Carpinteria, which DHS linked to criminal search warrants and alleged labor violations. Federal authorities reported more than 360 arrests of people suspected of being in the country illegally and said 14 immigrant minors were recovered.
California's Department of Cannabis Control said it was investigating a child-labor complaint involving the company and stated that employing individuals under age 21 in the cannabis industry is illegal. The United Farm Workers urged noncitizen workers to avoid cannabis-industry jobs because cannabis remains illegal under federal law.
In Sequoia National Park, the National Park Service reported removing 2,377 mature marijuana plants and nearly 2,000 pounds of trash and infrastructure from a 13-acre cultivation site, and reported finding banned pesticides including Methamidophos.
California passed laws banning masking by law enforcement and requiring clear identification for officers. A federal judge blocked the state’s mask ban as written while allowing a separate identification requirement to stand. State Sen. Scott Wiener introduced follow-on legislation to include state officers after the ruling.
The Trump administration appealed, with a judge ruling it unconstitutional because it exempted state police from the ban.
Public records show more than 3,100 arrests by early September, with about 88% on suspected federal immigration violations, often far from the border in major metros; DPS said it targets noncitizens who committed crimes in Texas while working with federal partners.
Statewide ICE arrest data analyses covering Jan. 20 to Oct. 15, 2025, found arrests averaged about 1,400 per week, up from about 600 per week in the same period in 2024, with a peak of more than 2,100 arrests during the week of Sept. 28, 2025. In ICE’s Houston area of responsibility, the weekly average rose to about 434 from about 190 in the comparison period.
Federal officials repeatedly framed enforcement as focused on the worst criminal offenders. Texas arrest-data reviews for the first nine months found the share of arrestees with criminal convictions fell compared with the same period in 2024: just under 40% in Texas, down from about 60%.
More than a third of arrests were people with no criminal convictions and no pending charges, up from about 13% in the comparison period.
In South Central Texas (San Antonio field office jurisdiction), reporting found more than 11,600 arrests from Jan. 20 to Oct. 15, 2025, up from 4,750 in the same period in 2024. In that region, the share categorized as having criminal convictions fell to 39% from 51%, while about 38% had no convictions and no pending charges and about 23% had pending charges.
ICE made more than 31,000 detainer requests statewide in the first nine months of 2025, a 33% increase from the same period in 2024. Over the same comparison, the share of detainer requests involving people with criminal convictions declined, while detainers for people with pending charges rose and detainers for people with no pending charges or convictions nearly doubled.
The same analyses reported a shift toward local facilities: about 88% of detainer requests in 2025 went to local agencies such as county jails and police departments, compared with 78% in 2024. Requests to state prisons fell by nearly half. Harris County Jail received the most detainer requests in the period, followed by Dallas County Jail Lew Sterrett and Travis County Jail.
Texas remained a central hub for immigration enforcement, removals and detention operations, including opening the largest federal detention center in Fort Bliss. Federal statistics and enforcement analyses showed large numbers of deportations carried out by ICE field offices headquartered in Texas, which function as major transportation and detention hubs for removals nationwide as enforcement activity increased during 2025.
Family detention also re-centered on Texas after the Trump administration reopened the Dilley Immigration Processing Center in 2025. Reporting indicated that about 3,500 adults and children passed through the facility after reopening, with counts at times reaching roughly 1,400 detainees, including several hundred children and parents as well as single adult women housed separately.
DHS said detainees receive meals, clean water, clothing, bedding, showers, toiletries and access to education services for children. Lawyers, advocates and journalists who interviewed families reported concerns about medical care, lights remaining on overnight and limited schooling or classroom access in the facility.
ICE describes 287(g) as a program that allows state and local law enforcement agencies to enter joint agreements with ICE to perform certain immigration enforcement functions within their jurisdictions, with oversight managed through ERO’s 287(g) Division. Texas reporting noted expanded 287(g) participation and training expectations for sheriffs' offices by the end of 2025, further positioning county jails as a central enforcement node.
As immigration enforcement expanded in 2025 and early 2026, detainees were frequently transferred across state lines to detention facilities in Texas, which hosts multiple of the country's largest immigration detention centers. Families and individuals arrested in states such as Minnesota, Illinois and Oregon were among those transferred to Texas facilities, including the Dilley Immigration Processing Center, where thousands of detainees have passed through since the facility reopened.
The transfers also drew protests. On Jan. 28, 2026, demonstrators gathered outside the Dilley facility as Texas DPS troopers responded after authorities said some protesters refused dispersal orders; troopers used less-lethal measures and arrested two people.
Several fatal encounters involving federal immigration agents since 2025 have drawn scrutiny to the use of force during immigration enforcement operations. DHS policy allows agents to use deadly force when they reasonably believe a person poses an imminent threat of death or serious bodily injury to officers or others.
Investigations into shootings involving immigration agents have examined disputed accounts of events, including conflicts between official descriptions and statements from witnesses or family members. Some cases prompted reviews by state or federal investigators, adding to broader debate about transparency, the release of evidence and the standards governing the use of force during immigration operations.
Agents were also the target of anti-ICE attacks, including at least one fatal shooting, an organized Antifa attack and a bomb threat, leading to several arrests, prosecutions and convictions.
ICE later said Operation Safe City in New York resulted in more than 450 arrests and federal immigration charges involving offenses such as homicide, sexual abuse, arson, drug trafficking and robbery. Later in 2025, ICE also said an enhanced New York enforcement operation resulted in 133 arrests of noncitizen offenders with prior convictions or pending charges including sex crimes, assault, weapons offenses and narcotics violations.
By March 2026, internal government data showed ICE arrests had slowed from January levels, with average daily arrests in February down about 11% from the previous month, though arrests remained significantly higher than during the final year of the Biden administration.
Later, then-Mayor Eric Adams moved to deepen cooperation with ICE, proposing an ICE office at Rikers to support criminal investigations amid broader coordination with federal officials; litigation quickly enjoined the plan pending review.
A federal contracting solicitation covering East Coast enforcement logistics also directed private contractors transporting detainees to limit public contact where possible, reflecting efforts to move detainees through the region with reduced public visibility.
On the ground, there was a high-visibility Canal Street sweep where crowds attempted to block agents during an operation targeting street vendors, leading to confrontations and arrests. Local leaders criticized venue-based tactics and said such operations created tensions in dense commercial corridors.
Dylan Lopez Contreras, a Venezuelan student at a Bronx public high school, was arrested by ICE on May 21, 2025, during a scheduled immigration court hearing. He was detained for about 10 months before being released in 2026. His case drew protests from students and advocacy from elected officials, including Sen. Chuck Schumer, and prompted legal filings from New York City officials supporting his release.
Mahmoud Khalil, a Columbia University graduate student, was arrested in March 2025 in connection with campus protest activity. He was held in federal immigration detention for several months before a federal judge ordered his release, finding he was not a flight risk or a danger to the community. Federal officials also cited alleged omissions in his immigration filings as part of the case.
Leqaa Kordia, who participated in protests linked to Columbia, was arrested during a March 13, 2025, ICE check-in and detained in Texas for about a year. Federal authorities cited visa violations and financial activity under review, while an immigration judge ordered her release on bond after multiple hearings.
On Jan. 30, 2026, thousands of demonstrators gathered outside an ICE facility in Lower Manhattan as part of a nationwide day of protest following fatal encounters involving immigration agents in Minneapolis. The demonstrations were part of broader national rallies and shutdown-style protests organized in multiple cities.
Earlier that month, organizers affiliated with the Democratic Socialists of America said they were training thousands of volunteers in New York for rapid-response networks intended to monitor ICE activity and mobilize crowds when enforcement actions were reported in immigrant neighborhoods.
In 2026, Mayor Zohran Mamdani issued an executive order reinforcing sanctuary policies, restricting federal access to city property without judicial warrants, strengthening data-privacy measures and launching a Know-Your-Rights campaign with multilingual materials.
As he prepared to take office, Mamdani also said the NYPD's role during immigration operations should be to maintain public order rather than assist federal immigration enforcement activities. Governor Kathy Hochul proposed legislation to bar local police cooperation in civil immigration enforcement while allowing cooperation in criminal matters, aligning state policy against routine participation in civil detainer requests.
At the same time, DHS demanded that New York transfer more than 7,000 noncitizens with active immigration detainers held in state custody, arguing that sanctuary policies had led to thousands of releases since Jan. 20, 2025 instead of transfers to federal authorities.
Reporting on that dispute noted Hochul had previously testified that New York can still cooperate with federal immigration officials in certain circumstances, including active criminal investigations, gang activity or some post-conviction cases.
An AP-obtained ICE memo revealed internal guidance asserting agents could forcibly enter residences on administrative warrants to arrest people with final orders — departing from years of advice that judicial warrants were required for home entry. Advocates conducted workshops advising residents to request judicial warrants and assert Fifth and Fourth Amendment rights.
Guidance from the New York attorney general’s office states ICE agents may enter public areas of a workplace without permission but cannot enter private areas without the employer's consent or a judicial warrant. The guidance also says workers do not have to answer questions about where they were born, how they entered the country or their immigration status, and may ask officers whether they are free to leave.
A federal judge also ruled in 2026 that New York's "Green Light Law," which allows residents without proof of legal status to obtain driver's licenses, does not violate federal law. The ruling said federal immigration authorities can still obtain driver information through lawful court orders or judicial warrants.
Separately, Hochul said she opposes expanding ICE detention facilities in New York and has supported proposals restricting cooperation agreements between local law enforcement and federal immigration agents, while still allowing cooperation in certain criminal cases.
The statewide enforcement surge was described as the largest in a single state in one week, yielding 1,120 arrests, roughly two-thirds with criminal histories, and many with final orders of removal. DHS and the Governor framed the operation as a model of federal-state partnership under expanded 287(g) agreements and grant support.
Subsequent reporting on Operation Tidal Wave and related enforcement actions indicated that those arrested included individuals with prior convictions for offenses such as sexual assault, drug trafficking and weapons violations, as well as people without criminal convictions but with immigration violations or final removal orders.
Florida developed a large temporary detention site in the Everglades — dubbed "Alligator Alcatraz" — to support removals, including deportation flights. The first detainees arrived in July 2025; subsequent reporting tracked logistical challenges (sanitation, mosquitoes) and court rulings, including a district injunction finding NEPA violations, a later appellate stay allowing continued operations, and DHS confirmation in 2026 of a $608 million federal reimbursement award subject to review.
By late August, a federal judge ordered the dismantling of the facility, but that order was overturned by early September, with the center continuing to operate into 2026. In late March, a different judge ordered the holding center to provide better access to attorneys for inmates, including at least one telephone for every 25 people being detained. Officials denied accusations of limited legal access.
State records and reporting indicated Florida was spending more than $1 million per day to operate the facility, while federal contracting documents showed additional agreements worth hundreds of millions of dollars tied to construction, logistics and operations at the site.
In early May 2026, Florida and the Trump administration were discussing closing Alligator Alcatraz as permanent federal detention capacity expanded, and DHS concluded the remote site was too costly to maintain. DeSantis defended the facility as a temporary but successful operation that had processed nearly 22,000 detainees, with state officials saying the site would eventually "return to the Everglades," though its runway would remain available for future deportation flights.
State and federal press events later reported cumulative results, with Florida citing more than 10,400 arrests by early 2026 and ICE detailing equipment, reimbursement and officer-support packages for 287(g) partners statewide. Florida Department of Law Enforcement's (FDLE) 2025 annual highlights listed participation in Tidal Wave and parallel operations tracking noncitizen sex offenders.
Florida officials and ICE also highlighted continued expansion of 287(g) agreements with local law enforcement agencies, including training, equipment support and reimbursement structures designed to integrate county sheriffs and police departments into federal immigration enforcement efforts.
Political, Law Enforcement and Public Response
Local and national responses to Florida's enforcement strategy and detention expansion were divided across political leaders, law enforcement and advocacy groups.
Some Florida sheriffs publicly supported expanded federal immigration enforcement and participation in 287(g) programs, while others said mass-deportation approaches went too far and called for more targeted enforcement or broader immigration reforms, reflecting splits within law enforcement.
State officials continued to promote funding, partnerships and operational expansion tied to large-scale enforcement, including detention infrastructure and coordinated operations with federal agencies. Opposition focused on the Everglades detention facility, where reporting documented protests and environmental concerns related to wetlands impact, as well as questions about detainee conditions and the scale of the project.
Overview
